Plain-English summaryThis section of the Independent Counsel's final report introduces the investigation into the National Security Council (NSC) staff, identifying Robert McFarlane, John Poindexter, and Oliver North as central figures in the covert operations. It outlines how NSC personnel facilitated support for the Nicaraguan contras despite the Boland Amendment and coordinated arms sales to Iran with diverted proceeds. The report notes that although the Reagan administration attempted to portray the affair as an isolated 'rogue operation' by the NSC staff, the actions were supported by other agencies and condoned at senior levels of government.
Key line (verbatim from the document)“At the center of the covert Iran and contra operations were three members of President Reagan's National Security Council staff: National Security Adviser Robert C. McFarlane; McFarlane's deputy and successor, Vice Adm. John M. Poindexter; and the deputy director of political-military affairs, Lt. Col. Oliver L. North”
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Full text (3,891 characters)
Walsh Iran / Contra Report - Part IV Investigations and Cases:The National Security Council Staff
Part IV
Investigations and Cases:
The National Security Council Staff
At the center of the covert Iran and contra operations were three members of President
Reagan's National Security Council staff: National Security Adviser Robert C. McFarlane;
McFarlane's deputy and successor, Vice Adm. John M. Poindexter; and the deputy director of
political-military affairs, Lt. Col. Oliver L. North.
It is the duty of the national security adviser to brief the President daily on foreign and
domestic developments of national security concern, and to integrate and keep him apprised of
the views of his National Security Council. The national security adviser heads the NSC staff.
The principal members of the NSC in the Iran/contra matters were the President, the Vice
President, the secretaries of state and defense and the director of the CIA.
Beginning in 1984 through most of 1986, members of the NSC staff implemented President
Reagan's foreign-policy directive to keep the Nicaraguan contras alive as a fighting force, despite
a law -- the Boland Amendment -- prohibiting U.S. aid for their military activities. Largely
acting through North, their contra-support activities included approaches to foreign countries and
private American citizens for funding; the provision of military and tactical advice and
intelligence; and working with private operatives, chiefly retired Air Force Maj. Gen. Richard V.
Secord and Albert Hakim, to supply weapons.
In 1985, in what was originally a separate undertaking from the contra-support operation,
McFarlane initiated contacts with Israel leading to the sale of U.S. weapons to Iran in an effort to
free American hostages held by pro-Iranian terrorists in Beirut; in 1986, the NSC staff under
Poindexter continued in this effort through direct U.S. arms sales to Iran. Poindexter authorized
North to arrange the diversion of Iran arms sales proceeds to the contras, secretly marking up the
prices for U.S. weapons and relying on the excess proceeds to help finance the contra-resupply
operation, subsequently called the ``Enterprise,'' which was run by Secord and Hakim under
North's direction.
The NSC staff members in these operations could not have carried out many of their activities
without the support or knowledge of officials in other agencies: most prominently the CIA, State
Department and the Department of Defense. Nevertheless, after public exposure, the Reagan
Administration used the most dramatic dimension of the Iran/contra affair -- the Iran/contra
diversion -- to focus public attention and to blame the NSC staff for what went wrong.1 On
November 25, 1986, President Reagan announced the firing of North and the resignation of
Poindexter. Attorney General Edwin Meese III then disclosed the Iran/contra diversion,
erroneously stating that only three U.S. officials knew about it: North, Poindexter and
McFarlane.
1 On November 24, 1986, the day before the Iran/contra diversion was to be publicly
announced, White House Chief of Staff Donald T. Regan recommended a damage-control
strategy that put the NSC staff in the line of fire: ``. . . Tough as it seems[,] blame must be put at
NSC's door -- rogue operation, going on without President's knowledge or sanction. When
suspicions arose he took charge, ordered investigation, had meeting of top advisers to get at facts,
and find out who knew what.'' (Memorandum from Regan, 11/24/86, ALU 0138832.)
The criminal prosecutions showed that members of the NSC staff, although most directly
involved in the operations, were not the only participants in Iran/contra matters. Rather, these
matters often were not aberrant acts but part of a widespread pattern of covert conduct condoned
at the highest levels of Government.