Plain-English summaryPart IX of the Independent Counsel's report examines the actions and knowledge of President Ronald Reagan, Vice President George Bush, and senior advisers regarding the Iran/contra affair. The report finds that while Reagan drove the core policies of supporting the contras and trading arms for hostages, there was no credible evidence that he or his top cabinet officials knew of the diversion of funds to the contras. However, the investigation concluded that senior officials attempted to rearrange the record in November 1986 to conceal potential violations of the Arms Export Control Act, though no criminal charges were brought against the President, Vice President, Meese, or Regan.
Key line (verbatim from the document)“Independent Counsel found no credible evidence that the President authorized or was aware of the diversion of profits from the Iran arms sales to assist the contras, or that Regan, Bush, or Meese was aware of the diversion”
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Walsh Iran / Contra Report - Part IX Investigations of the White House
Part IX
Investigations of the White House
The Iran/contra affair flowed from decisions made and actions taken in the White House by
President Reagan and his closest advisers.
The operational aspects of Iran/contra were carried out by the national security adviser to the
President and the National Security Council staff, who were aided by private operatives they
recruited. Their criminal activities are related in earlier sections of this report.
This part of the report covers the actions and decisions relative to Iran/contra of President
Reagan; White House Chief of Staff Donald T. Regan; Attorney General Edwin Meese III, in so
far as Meese acted in his capacity as friend and adviser to the President; Vice President George
Bush; Bush's national security adviser Donald P. Gregg; and Gregg's deputy, Col. Samuel J.
Watson III.
The criminal investigation established that President Reagan, with the support of Vice
President Bush, promulgated the two policies that drove Iran/contra:
-- that the contras would be kept viable as an insurgent force during the Boland cut-off period
from October 1984 to October 1986, and
-- that arms would be sold to Iran, first from Israeli stocks and later directly from the United
States, in exchange for the release of Americans held hostage in the Middle East.
The investigation also established that the President, Vice President and Regan were briefed
regularly and in considerable detail as to the operations being conducted to carry out those
policies. Independent Counsel found no credible evidence that the President authorized or was
aware of the diversion of profits from the Iran arms sales to assist the contras, or that Regan,
Bush, or Meese was aware of the diversion.
Similarly, Independent Counsel found no convincing evidence that Reagan formally or
specifically authorized the National Security Council staff in general or Lt. Col. Oliver L. North
in particular to establish a U.S. Government-coordinated covert, full-scale contra-resupply
organization to replace the CIA during the Boland cut-off period. President Reagan and Vice
President Bush did receive regular reports on the strengths and problems of the contras and knew
that North was the Government official charged in the first instance with trying to find solutions
to their problems.
The OIC found considerable evidence that the President and the Vice President knew about
and, in some instances, directly participated in contra-funding efforts during this period --
including third-country donations, quid-pro-quo arrangements to encourage third-country
support, and contributions from private citizens. In addition, there was evidence that Bush's
aides Gregg and Watson had information on North's direction of the contra-resupply effort
through Gregg's close relationship with Felix Rodriguez, a former CIA operative whom North
enlisted as a part of his contra-supply organization. Gregg claimed that, notwithstanding the
Administration's interest in the success of the contras, he never mentioned any information
regarding contra resupply to Vice President Bush, the person he was advising on national security
matters.
A principal focus of this section centers on the activities of the President, the Vice President,
Regan and Meese during November 1986 when the public disclosure of the Iran arms sales
created a political furor, generating demands for a congressional investigation and the
appointment of an independent counsel. Of particular interest to congressional leaders was
whether the Iran arms sales, in the face of a U.S.-supported embargo on such sales, were in
violation of any statutes, and whether the failure of the Administration to disclose the Iran arms
sales to Congress was in violation of the Arms Export Control Act, the National Security Act or
any other statute.
Independent Counsel concluded that President Reagan, Vice President Bush, Regan, Meese
and other senior Administration officials in November 1986 undertook to ``rearrange the record,''
as Secretary of State George P. Shultz put it in a conversation with his senior advisers, in an
effort to protect the President and themselves from accusations of possible violations of law. A
particular concern was that the 1985 Iran arms sales from Israeli stocks violated the
congressional notification requirement of the Arms Export Control Act. Evidence to support this
conclusion was obtained by Independent Counsel in 1991 and 1992 from notes, diaries and
documents previously withheld from the Tower Commission, the congressional Select
Committees and the OIC. The withheld evidence demonstrated that:
-- President Reagan authorized the 1985 sale of TOW and HAWK missiles from Israeli
stocks in an effort to free Americans held hostage even though he was warned such sales were in
violation of the Arms Export Control Act.
-- The President's senior national security advisers -- Vice President Bush, Shultz, Secretary
of Defense Caspar W. Weinberger, CIA Director William J. Casey, and Regan -- were informed
in 1985 of presidential approval of the transactions.
One year later, in November 1986, when Congress tried to learn the facts about the Iran arms
sales, the Administration first tried to withhold information about the 1985 sales from Israeli
stocks. Thereafter, Poindexter and Meese stated that the President was unaware of and had not
authorized the November 1985 shipment of 18 HAWK missiles from Israel to Iran -- that the
initiative had been handled by former National Security Adviser Robert C. McFarlane without
presidential authorization. The evidence demonstrates that Poindexter and Meese, as well as the
President and his other senior advisers, knew that to be false, but they at least tentatively
accommodated that position.
Independent Counsel concluded that no criminal charges should be brought against President
Reagan, Vice President Bush, Meese or Regan because the belated production of notes and other
documents delayed the investigation beyond the point where it could be effective.